Humans who dwell underground and have adapted to life beneath by drawing into themselves the shebvic energy of menab’e.
Taxonomic Order: Metahumans
Alignment: Shebvic
Energy: Menab’e
Lifespan: 120 years
Diet: Subterranean fare - water, fungi, and subterranean plants and animals
Habitat: Underground
During one of the many, many apocalyptic wars on Shem, many humans chose to flee underground. In their subterranean wanderings, they found their way to a region called the Hollow, a massive cavern midway through the layers of the world. Unbelievably, it was a realm of waterfalls, rivers, lakes, and strange underground plants. Foraging for their survival, they soon found they could eat many of these plants and some of the animals present. At first, they wore masks to protect them from the dust in the air and carried lights to see, but after many generations, they evolved so they could handle it. The ambient energies in the area also transformed them, giving them their skin, eyes, and other powers.
Dòngxué are human-like beings with skin like smooth, flexible stone, in all the colors of stone possible. Their eyes are deep brown orbs with no iris or pupils. They are hairless.
Dòngxué reproduce as humans do, with each other or with other human species. Outside their own species, the offspring follow the mother biologically. Outside of humans and metahumans, reproduction is only possible with supernatural intervention.
Dòngxué are stronger than they appear. They are also able to endure for longer than average doing hard labor. They are resistant to extreme cold or heat.
Every dòngxué who reaches maturity has the ability to smell menab'e and metal ore. Dòngxué have the ability to know their location in caves and tunnels through heightened awareness. They can see in the lowest light, and they have excellent hearing.
The skin of a dòngxué is as tough as the stone it resembles, but it remains flexible.
Dòngxué can breathe in stone dust. They have special sections in their lungs to hold it, and as they rest, they breathe it out in a fine mist. If they choose, while awake, they can breathe it out and cause organic matter to petrify.
Dòngxué will stiffen and die without menab’e in their systems.
There are two main nations of dòngxué:
Hǎorén, the metal nation, survivors and miners who mine and wield menab’e
Lǎobǎnrén, the diamond nation, powerful wielders of drenante
They often wear very little clothing and engage in many body piercings.
The original dòngxué escaped war and strife by fleeing underground to the Hollow, and there they formed ad hoc societies that developed over generations into two major nations of subterranean humans. These first explorers of the wilderness of the Hollow lived in desperate groups just trying to survive, but after they settled, they developed into tribes. Slowly but surely they built a complex society of circular stone temples with great spires in the middle, cities built along rivers and lakes, and beautiful tunnel-complexes.
Having fled the disastrous merchant-states and tyrannies of the upper world, their tribes developed a system they felt was more fair below. Every member of the community had a vote after they turned twelve, and all issues that affected the whole community were subject to a vote. There were multiple councils which guided the community, including those based on craft or work, those based on gender (of which there were twelve), those based on age (children's council, young adults, adults, and elders), and those based on certain political interests. These councils were called the lǐshì huì. The councils elected their own officers, but these officers have no more power than any other member - just more responsibilities.
The only kind of work not allowed to have a council was the military. The military answered to the councils. Everyone had to serve at least two years after they came of age at sixteen and before they turned thirty. Those who chose to remain in the military had to be tested by the councils to ensure their loyalty, political acumen, and skills. They were split into several different branches: soldiers, tunnelers, sailors, spies, pathfinders, hunters, assassins, war-mystics, and demolitionists. They elected among them their own leadership, but these had to also be approved by the councils.
Children were raised by their extended families, taught in community schools, and encouraged to pursue their own paths. Once a child came of age at 16, they were welcomed to adulthood with a special piercing ceremony and a week-long party.
This society lasted for a long time, but some of their nation split off and formed their own society, and over time, the nation known as the Lǎobǎnrén developed. This society lured many of the original dòngxué over to them and eventually returned with an army that dominated and enslaved the original nation, known as the Hǎorén. Some Hǎorén escaped and retained much of their old culture, but most have been absorbed into Lǎobǎnrén culture as a slave nation. As slaves, they either mimic the culture of their masters or they live in desperation and try to preserve what they once knew.
What remains of Hǎorén culture is precious to them.
Hǎorén wear little clothing, preferring loincloths and little else. They engage in body-piercing, especially the ears, nose, lips, arms, legs, sides, backs, and even necks. Most piercings are ornamental, but a handful have special meaning: a neck-piercing along the left side is received when one comes of age, a piercing of the lower back is given as a reward for excellence and bravery in combat, a piercing of the septum is done when one has their first child, a piercing of the upper part of the right ear is done as a wedding gift. Different metals and jewels are used. None of these represent status, but rather, personal style. Some choose to ornament themselves only with one kind of jewel or metal, or with specific designs, or with special combinations of color and size, and so on. Often they have personal meaning.
Music is very popular among the Hǎorén, and they prefer to play in the tunnels to incorporate echoes into their songs. Every year, communities near to each other gather for special performances to mark the turning of the year and remembrance of their times above. (They mark time based on the surface-calendars using a counting system.) They also engage in numerous sports, mostly revolving around endurance, strength, and precision.
The Lǎobǎnrén were more war-like at first, but quickly, they discovered the infernal energy of drenante, which converted the menab’e within them into something that gave them power more quickly. They began to enslave and exploit weaker or less resourceful dòngxué and mortals of other species, including the living metal beings from the Low Mines and more. They began using others to work their mines, gather their food, fight in their armies, all while they reaped the benefits. Their nation, though small, gained enormous esoteric power and wealth, which they used to entice others to serve them.
Lǎobǎnrén have few customs they have not appropriated from those they exploit. They live in lavish buildings with gilded splendor, engage only in sports and games that bring them prestige among their peers (this changes with the fashions of the times), and eat vast feasts on a regular basis. Their food is always the rarest and most expensive; it is always about what they must spend on it, not the actual taste or nutritional value.
Lǎobǎnrén rule an empire called Wuordon. They are the elite ruling nation, but other species and beings live there as subjects, including the living iron peoples. Wuordon spans between the Hollow and the Low Mines. It is a massive feudal empire with a powerful landlord class, massive armies, and violent patriarchal customs.
As beings of menab’e, dòngxué are able to sense it, mine it, and wield it. They are capable of wielding any other energy, but the most common are drenante (which converts the menab’e within them and lets them drain it from others), bailaohu jinghua, kazaddarean, kakraohy, gebvel, and mijjit.
The Hǎorén worship Wěidà De Shōucáng Jiā, the Great Collector, a Divine being said to have led them to the menab’e mines in the Hollow. Their religion is usually a secret they keep and has no structure. In their own communities, religion is woven into the fabric of their culture. They honor Wěidà De Shōucáng Jiā in prayer and gratitude, but they do not have organized faith. Among the Lǎobǎnrén, Wěidà De Shōucáng Jiā is still worshiped, but they gate-keep the religion and distort the faith to be a prosperity gospel reinforced by a powerful polytheistic faith that involves greater and lesser Divines, of whom Wěidà De Shōucáng Jiā is the utmost, a judge of who deserves resource and power.
Gender was a complex system of twelve genders that is less a spectrum and more a puzzle of different correlations for the Hǎorén. Among the Lǎobǎnrén, it is a patriarchal binary.
The Lǎobǎnrén have a feudal economy. The Hǎorén are matriarchal.
The Hǎorén have warriors among them who defend against the Lǎobǎnrén or other dangers. These warriors get an extra ration of menab’e that allows them to improve their fighting abilities. They wield metal spears, stone axes, and crystal daggers, but their primary weapon is their own bodies. They are called shēntǐ dǎjí.
Among the Lǎobǎnrén, there is a massive military of conscripts, slaves, and recruits. Elite warriors are bù qǔ who wear heavy metal armor, usually acquired from living iron deposits, and empowered by heavy quantities of menab’e. Common soldiers get a small ration of menab’e that is more than commoners. They are called shìbīng, and they wield rifles and spears. Among the armies are elite archers called hou yi who have as much menab’e rations as the bù qǔ, but who put that into archery skills. They wield powerful bows that can put an arrow through solid stone.
All dòngxué language is based on Chinese.
The Lǎobǎnrén control mines and quarries and trade stone, metals, and menab’e itself with the outside world.
Some common roles and occupations among the dòngxué are as follows:
Bù qǔ: warriors who wear heavy metal armor empowered by menab’e
Dǔ tú: gamblers who bet menab’e
Fāxiàn Zhě: the gatherers of menab’e who form the bulk of all dòngxué labor
Guì: nobles of Wuordon
Hou yi: elite archers empowered by menab’e
Huángdì: the emperor of Wuordon
Hùlǐ rényuán: paramedics who use menab’e to temporarily tend wounds
Kǒuji: musicians who use vocal mimicry
Lǎoshī: teachers employed by the nobility
Lǐshì huì: councils among the Hǎorén
Mèi mó: witches of the Hǎorén
Pàojī: turtle-keepers who put menab’e in the turtle shells
Píjiàng: tanners who use menab’e in place of toxic chemicals to tan hides
Sàipǎo zhě: athletes given a better ration of menab’e by the Wuordonese lords
Sēnglǚ: wandering monks of Wěidà De Shōucáng Jiā who are outside the organized faith
Sha kuàng: makers of games out of menab’e
Shāngrén: traders of menab’e
Shēntǐ dǎjí: martial artists who wield menab’e to make their bodies into weapons
Shìbīng: common soldiers empowered by menab’e
Shīrén: keepers of ancestral roles who validate the lords of the Lǎobǎnrén
Xiǎochǒu: fools in the courts of the Lǎobǎnrén
Xíjí zhě: tunnel raiders and pirates who steal menab’e from the trains
Wú: priests in Wuordon
Yuándīng: gatherers of seeds who tend the subterranean gardens
Zhēntàn: detectives who are guided by senses enhanced by menab’e
Zhíyuán: administrators, clerks, functionaries of the Wuordonese government who are notoriously corrupt
The dòngxué experience discrimination outside of Wuordon, with stereotypes akin to the old “yellow peril” racism Chinese people experienced in the 1800s in the U.S., but it is termed “grey peril”.
Lán Jiǎo, Blue Foot, hero of the Hǎorén who led them away from the Wuordonese conquest, deceased
Tā De Xīn Shì Zuànshí, Her Heart Is Diamond, Dòngxué Manifest, Aeonian
Wángguàn, first emperor of Wuordon, legendary conqueror, deceased
Hǎorén: 20 million
Lǎobǎnrén: 100 million
Other: 10 million
PRO 8
ATH 8
STR 10 Toughness 12
AWA 8 Underground senses 9
WIL 8
PRS 8
STH 8
Metahumans who move with inmortal speed.
Taxonomic Order: Metahumans
Alignment: Paradoxical
Energy: Momentum
Lifespan: 60-90 years
Diet: High-carb mortal fare
Habitat: Savanna and arid plateaus
Humans who evolved greater and greater speed, building momentum, as they dwelled in places where speed was essential to survival.
Mutumwa appear to be taller than the average human with features that they can change if they build up enough energy through movement.
Mutumwa reproduce sexually as humans do. They can reproduce with other metahumans and humans, and the offspring’s species will follow that of the mother.
Mutumwa are very fast and very athletic. Their bodies are very agile and lithe.
Every movement a mutumwa makes sparks the momentum within them, generating more. The more they move, the faster they move, the more momentum builds up, and the more they can draw from. If they use momentum in any way, it does not build more momentum - only natural movement generates it - but it allows them to do one of three things: alter their own physical forms, move with incredible speed, or draw matter toward them.
Shapeshifting is limited to stretching, elongating, or altering their bodies to be taller, shorter, or otherwise distorted. They cannot generate new organs, heal, or alter themselves with the complexity that shapehisfters do; their shifting is a reaction to movement.
Speed is the most potent and common use of their momentum. They can use their energy to increase their speed in small amounts for small movements, or for massive bursts. The more energy used, the faster they go. The fastest a mutumwa has ever achieved is ten times the speed of sound; this killed the mutumwa in question. Usually they stop short of the speed of sound, but they go much faster than any other mortal outside of dragons or energy beings.
Drawing matter towards them is rarer, and this is done by spinning. Some say they are creating their own gravity, but this is not the case. It’s just magic. The amount of matter they can draw is equal to the amount of energy they expend.
Being bound in one place will traumatize a mutumwa.
The mutumwa nations are the Kutsanya, the original nation in Taggarus, and the Doorasth, a separate nation in subcontinental Dabusen.
The Kutsanya are nomadic mutumwa in the arid, eastern regions of Taggarus. They live in large tribes made up of 30-40 families. Each family has a patriarch, called a sekuru (great-grandfather), who is part of a council that leads the tribe. The sekuru of each family is in charge of the family's herds, warriors, and other resources, determining how much is shared with whom. Warriors and lead-herders usually get the most, and then healers and nziraziva (wielders of momentum who open portals), then wagon-leaders, then the others.
Tribes mostly herd (Taggaran) buffalo and sheep. Herders are the most common role in the tribe. Every herd is protected by four or five herders, including the mutungamiri (lead-herder) plus one to three warriors (kubaya).
Warriors use assegai, mostly, and wear protective clothing made of buffalo hide. They double as hunters for the tribe, but hunting is only done in order to kill predators that have been attacking the herds. If a warrior kills a particularly dangerous predator, they are granted its skin as a reward, and they wear them as symbols of status. In order of prestige, they are cheetah, lion, hyena, wild dog, and jackal.
Every tribe has wagons equal to triple the number of families. Wagon teams are led by a vhiri musoro, or head wagoneer. For every three wagons, there is a warrior who protects them, walking alongside. There are two kinds of wagons: ones for carrying people and ones for carrying materials. The latter are large, long wagons covered in buffalo-hide tarps. The former are shorter in length, but taller, and they have special compartments for sleeping. Most of the tribe walks, but children, the infirm, elderly, and those necessary to watch over the children ride in the wagons. There are also spaces on the wagons for those who simply need to rest for part of the journey; however, the Kutsanya take pride in their ability to walk for miles and miles.
Children are taught by their elders, and their role within the family is determined when they are in their early teens. The elders will begin focusing their education on the specific role they expect of the child. If the child eventually rejects the role, they must train themselves in a new one or be outcast from the family. By the age of 22, they should have taken on their role in the tribe fully, and at this time, they undertake a ceremony of adulthood called achisimuka, or “rising”. The ceremony requires that they run ahead of the tribe for seven days, resting only when they physically cannot continue. Moments of rest are not counted toward the time running, and thus, it usually takes most people around a month to complete. Once they have run for a full seven days' worth, they are given a special drink made of buffalo milk and fermented fruit. This drink usually causes them to vomit, and that vomit is divined by the sekuru to tell the new adult their fate. If they do not vomit, this indicates a life of good fortune. There is then a feast held by their family.
When a Kutsanya dies, they are mourned for seven days, and then their body is placed on a special buffalo-hide canopy and left for an air burial. The spot where they are left is marked with seven stones, and when the tribe passes by next, they stop to honor the fallen. They do this every time they pass for seven years after death. After that, they scatter the stones (assuming no one else has). They call death akamira, or "when we are stopped."
The Doorasth culture exists within the complex cultures of the Vimalan region; they are a nomadic people with their own peculiar customs involving wagons, animal hides, and running, which they keep from the Kutsanya, but they are otherwise just another nation amongst the hundreds of nations there.
Mutumwa are beings of momentum, the energy of movement itself, and they wield it expertly. Flux, possibility, and complexity are their next most commonly wielded (vonzot is also wielded at times, but they are not enthusiastic about it). They also commonly wield tahalana, ayase, kutsegula, ethereal essence, and poioumenon. Nzwara murazvo, prasinofos, hamasat al-sahra, livadi, and kiiric yihi are sometimes wielded, and sterisis and tenyocan are appreciated. B’qar, fuinneamh, and menab’e are also respected among them.
The Kutsanya worship Mufambi Shamwari, a wandering god who is part of many, many stories. Mufambi Shamwari takes many forms in the stories, always something fast, especially a cheetah or gazelle. They are always "they," for they are considered to be many in one. They are partly a trickster, partly an ancestral guide, and partly a warrior leader. They provide wisdom through practical lessons, and they often send messages in the form of birds (and they never take the form of a bird themself). They also never take the form of a Kutsanya, though they are considered one of the Kutsanya ancestors. It is said the first Kutsanya sprang from their blood and tears.
Each tribe has a vatumwa, or messenger, who is the spiritual leader of the tribe. The vatumwa gives up their family in order to be part of all families in the tribe. They lose their gender, they lose their rank, and they become equal to all members of the tribe, interpreter of messages from the birds, and adviser to the sekuru. They lead the seven ceremonies honoring Mufambi Shamwari, all of which are special races.
A vatumwa carries a staff adorned with feathers from many different birds. This staff is passed from vatumwa to vatumwa, gaining more and more feathers as time goes on, losing some occasionally. The staff allows the vatumwa to fly when necessary, though this is used only in the most sacred races or during times of war.
Kutsanya do not equate biology with gender. Gender roles are fluid and have more to do with social interactions than work. Work is determined by what one can do. Social interactions are determined by gender and status. Men are considered superior to women, who are superior to other genders, but since gender is fluid, people's positions change. Status trumps gender as well; a female sekuru outranks a male warrior. A nonbinary lion-warrior outranks a female hyena-warrior, but a female hyena-warrior is equal to a male wild dog-warrior. The complex web of rank determined by status and gender is understood culturally by the Kutsanya, but outsiders often become confused by it.
There is no such thing as marriage among the Kutsanya. Instead, they have tichifamba pamwe chete, or "walking together." This is understood to be temporary; those who remain walking together for the rest of their lives are rare and considered odd. While two people are walking together, they are considered part of both families. Their children are only part of the family of the birthing parent, however. Children are raised by their families, which include all generations, and by the non-birthing parent (if known). When the walking together ends, however, the non-birthing parent has no say or rights to the child. They may still maintain a positive relationship with them, but they will not be considered family at that time.
The Kutsanya have a basic tribal slave-based economy that is newly not matriarchal.
Every tribe has their own warrior-hunters who are among the fastest warriors in the world, but they have no wider organized military.
Their language is based on the Shona language.
The Kutsanya trade with other nearby nations when they travel.
Sekuru: patriarch
Kubaya: warrior
Nziraziva: wayfinder
Mutungamiri: lead-herder
Murapi: healer
Vhiri Musoro: head wagoneer
Vatumwa: religious messenger
The Kutsanya are usually assumed to be the only nation of mutumwa, though this is untrue. Regardless, they are seen by those who know them as strange nomads with odd customs. They are looked down upon often, with the common stereotype being that they are always running from something, thus they are cowards. If they join other cultures or societies, they are usually an oppressed nation, discriminated against heavily and considered uncivilized or uncouth. They are often exploited as slaves or workers where swiftness or endurance is a benefit, including as athletes. They find the latter especially offensive, as running competitions are part of their religion, not entertainment.
Kumhanya, Mutumwa Manifest, Aeonian
Doorasth: 222,222
Kutsanya: 333,333
Other: 222,222
PRO 9
ATH 14
STR 8
AWA 9
WIL 8
PRS 7
STH 9
People of healing clay.
Taxonomic Order: Metahumans
Alignment: Celestial
Energy: Curacion
Lifespan: 120-150 years
Diet: Salt- and mineral-heavy mortal fare
Habitat: Temperate hills, flatlands, and valleys
Humans whose flesh baked into clay as they tried to heal the world.
Taala appear to be humans made of clay. They move and operate just like humans, have blood and organs like humans, but their flesh is made of reddish clay.
Because their flesh is made of clay, taala can reshape it as they see fit. They cannot create new clay except through growth, nor can they shape bone, organs, blood, etc., but they can make their flesh into different forms and shapes.
Taala can take parts of their clay and press it into other taala in order to share clay. When they do this, they allow the other taala to feel their emotions and sense some of their thoughts.
The clay of a taala has healing properties. If they sacrifice their clay and use it as a poultice, wrap, tourniquet, bandage, or otherwise apply it to a wound, it will heal that wound slowly but surely, even if the wound should be fatal. If they apply it to the head, chest, or stomach of a sick person, that person will heal slowly but surely, even from fatal diseases. There are limits to their powers, but they go beyond what most healers can do.
Unlike ashar, the energy of life, the energy within taala is curacion, which is distinctly the energy of healing, health, curing, medicine. Ashar includes and understands that death and disease are a part of life; though ashar can be used to heal someone or even revive someone from death, it must be forced to. Curacion, which is part of the clay of the taala, will automatically do so if applied to someone. The default of their healing magic is that it will restore a body to the state that is most conducive to living longer.
If a taala needs to alter someone’s body in order to heal them in a manner that does not automatically heal, they must have a knowledge of what they are doing to direct the energy. That is, they can heal automatically with no knowledge of biology if they simply use their clay undirected, but if they direct the energy to do something, they need to know what they are telling it to do or they could cause major problems.
The power required to heal something is equal to how close it has brought someone to death. A disease, any disease, caught early, can be easily cured, but in late stages, if the body has suffered a lot of damage, even a common cold will be hard to cure.
The power a taala has is determined by how much clay they use, how healthy they are, and how much they have used their clay to heal before - the more they have helped others, the more power they have to keep doing so.
If they misuse their power to harm others (excluding the undead), they will lose their powers to a degree equal to the harm they cause. If they completely run out of power to heal, their bodies dry out and they become conscious statues, a fate worse than death.
Some general guidelines on difficulties:
Flesh wound: 1
Normal wound: 7
Deep wound: 13
Re-attaching a newly missing limb: 16
Mortal wound: 19
Restoring a newly missing limb without having the limb to re-attached: 22
Near-death or technically dead: 25
Curacion does not take social factors into concern - i.e., it will not turn a person of an oppressed group into a member of a non-oppressed group. Some forms of paraplegia, for example, will not be healed by default. If there is a current source of that paraplegia affecting a person - ongoing damage to nerves, damage from disease, or an unhealed wound - that will heal and probably restore walking ability, but if a person has an old injury that is not life-threatening but prevents use of their legs, the energy will not automatically heal it.
Forcing curacion to alter a body in order to heal in a manner that isn’t the default is not difficult - it simply requires the taala touch their clay that is being used to heal with and will it to do so - but it comes with a risk. If the taala alters the body in a manner that will shorten life rather than extend or preserve it, the powers of healing within that taala will weaken, possibly even go away if they kill someone with it. And if they lose this power, their clay becomes unliving, thus turning them into conscious but immobile statues.
As such, there are certain conditions considered maladies in class societies that are not truly maladies - autism, having a great weight, being transgender - that curacion will not affect unless willed to do so by the taala using their power.
Most taala will not alter someone’s autism, as altering the brain is very risky and they probably don’t know how to alter it to change the autism anyway, even if there is ample evidence that ableist culture is harming the autistic person.
Taala do not casually alter someone’s weight, either - it’s difficult to create mass for thin people (it requires transforming clay) and removing weight requires (a) doing something with the excess tissue and (b) it can lead to unforeseen health complications without knowing how to change weight safely. Only those taala who have studied anatomy and biology will even try to do something about a person’s weight, and then only with what they deem a very good reason. For those people who weigh more than average and have health conditions related to it, the curacion simply heals the condition and not the weight. For the most part, this is all that’s needed, anyway.
For transgender people, taala are sometimes capable of altering their bodies to better match society’s expectations relatively safely. Thus, it depends on the taala’s comfort level with altering someone’s body, their own beliefs about gender and bodies, and their confidence in altering a body. They can, however, use their clay to alleviate the physical and mental stress of dysphoria, even if it’s only temporary.
For other questions, consult the GM.
Vile energy and brown aether can kill them.
There are four nations of the taala:
Bahut Sa: the original nation in subcontinental Dabusen who were formed during the ritual of healing.
Bolana: a breakoff nation of those who rejected the gift of healing and have embraced the powers of blood for the sake of blood as magic.
Mittee: a breakoff nation of those who rejected the gift of healing and have embraced the powers of baleblood to fight the fires of curacion.
The Bahut Sa are a small nation in subcontinental Dabusen. They were once human, but they engaged in a ritual seeking to heal the entire world, ridding it of disease, and through this ritual burnt themselves into malleable clay forms. Or so their legends say.
Long ago, after the ritual, the original Bahut Sa were a small, classless people living in the foothills of Highreach, helping any who came through their territory and sharing their clay with all who they met. But as classes developed in nations around them, they became targets. They were hunted and enslaved by the nascent empires, and for Ages, this was their existence. Very few lived outside of enslavement. They were prized for their healing powers, and as slaves, they served emperors, god-kings, nobles, and generals. To this day, they are still sought after by the slaving empires and traders. But as empires rose and fell in their home region, some were able to escape and reclaim their culture.
They live in small communities isolated from other nations because of the long history of enslavement they have suffered. As an oppressed nation with no country of their own, they have long since left behind their distant roots as a matriarchal society and integrated into the various countries they now dwell in. Some of their customs do survive, however.
Bahut Sa live in households that include multiple generations, only splitting off when there is no room for more. When this happens, the youngest adults (ages 22 and up) find their own places to live, often close to one another if possible. Every week, the whole family gathers if they can, at least once, for a large meal. At this meal, they share their clay and tell stories of those they helped in the week, if they have. Then they tell the story of their family, going back as many generations as they can remember.
Every Bahut Sa child is raised by their extended family. Though they generally follow the norms of the society they are in, they still retain a handful of their own traditional milestones. At birth, the birthing parent shares clay with their child, and only the birthing parent will do so until the child is about 12. At that time, they will share with the whole family. It is looked down upon for a child to share clay outside of the family unless they are engaged to someone. By age 20, however, most taala have begun to branch out and seek other connections. At age 22, there is a coming of age rite called sakht ("hardening") wherein they are washed in special oils, then sit beside a fire for an entire night, letting their clay become rigid. In the morning, they rise, letting the hardened surface clay break off and come out with a fresh skin.
Despite their oppression, they have rules among their own that it is forbidden to refuse to heal the sick or injured, with the only exception being Agikaani military or rulers or plague-bearers from anywhere. The taala remember all too well the breeding, work, and death camps of Agikaan, and they refuse to heal those they see as responsible. Because they refuse to heal Agikaani leaders, they are often executed in Agikaan even to this day. Plague-bearers intentionally spread dangerous diseases, so they do not heal those who cause such horror. They see it as furthering the spread of disease (which is accurate).
Because they have supernatural healing abilities, they study medical science, anatomy, and biology, but through a mystic lens that they refer to as Rakt Kee Vidya. Rather than scientific terminology, it is all couched in ancient words and wisdom and metaphors. They honor others who study medicine in more modern ays, though, and view them as the best of other nations. They take them in often to discuss medical philosophy and teach them esoteric means of healing.
Music among the Bahut Sa is passed down through their families, and special songs are sung during festive occasions and celebrations. These songs all tell silly tales of animals; they once had more symbolic meanings, but those have been lost.
Bolana: the Bolana rejected their clay forms in horror and sought to reawaken their flesh, thus turning to bloodcasting. They perform rituals as they grow up to restore their flesh and become “more human”, a form of complicated national self-loathing. They are never successful at completely rejecting their clay form, however, and all of them still retain healing abilities, just much weaker (it is culturally frowned upon).
Mittee: the Mittee use baleblood in an effort to drive the curacion from their own bodies. It works temporarily, but the two energies conflict. They must constantly reinfuse themselves with baleblood, making them quasi-Baleful. They are horrifying, violent warriors who are feared as a culture.
Taala are beings of curacion and the greatest of its wielders. They also commonly use emotional resonance, flux, and mijjit. They are also commonly users of blood energy, ashar, stagma, humors, tmakikan, hegnh, mansam, banaru, aifaellam, prasinofos, euergasia, hasken fure, tyvka vlast, oalkhyaloataa, yahas, euphoria, nzwara murazvo, euphony, lahab al'qalb, ma'dhahabi, bijalee, radiance, spirit energy, ethereal essence, menab'e, waarheid, nommos, kazaddarean, bailaohu jinghua, iremia, and poarta.
Their healers are called aarogy karanevaala, and they mix a number of esoteric energies into their work. Curacion, mijjit, and emotional resonance are the main parts of it, but they also use blood energy, ashar, and tmakikan to complement those. They use prasinofos, hasken fure, and tyvka vlast for making medicines, and they use hegnh, banaru, and yahas to bring together protective and healing energies. Euphoria and iremia are used to heal emotional states, and oalkhaylaoataa is used to make the weak stronger. If they treat animals, they also use nzwara murazvo. Sometimes they use lahab al'qalb, ma'dhahabi, or bijalee for heat or electrical support, especially for cauterizing or shock therapy.
The Bahut Sa worship Aushadheey Paanee, called Lahuen Có in eastern Palhur, who is the Divine they say saved them during the ritual of healing. He is the bringer of healing waters, and he is said to soften their clay. He is seen as not their progenitor, but the one who breathed healing into their clay when they were lost. He is their teacher, and as such, they are committed to teaching others to honor him. He and his consort, Chumma Dava, are the first healers in the world, they believe. Aushadheey and Chumma are always together, and every statue of the two shows them kissing, god and mortal. It is their union which made the clay soft, their tears of love that did so. Aushadheey is seen as a plump man, sometimes with quail feathers on his arms; he rides a giant quail. Chumma is seen as a shorter man, stocky and strong, sometimes with the head of a goat, sometimes riding one. He always carries an ewer full of glowing water, which he pours into the mouth of Aushadheey before they kiss.
Those who lead the teachings of Aushadheey Paanee are called shikshakon kee (sing. shikshak). They lead prayers, teach the stories of their god, and keep all medical knowledge of the community. They go into the higher mountains and meditate for many months, then come down to teach, then go back up. Sometimes, they find someone who they view as especially holy, and they take them with them. Most are men, but some teerasa raasta go as well. They never cut or shave any of their hair, no matter their genders, and they wear quail-feather mantles while they teach.
The main customs they follow are the blessings of the dying, funerals (giving the body to water, so that its clay may be returned to the world), and prayers of protection against plagues. These last only happen when relevant.
Traditionally, gender among the Bahut Sa has been seen as malleable, and given their mutable bodies, they did not connect biology and gender until forced to do so by oppressing nations. They still have some customs that eschew gender norms among them, particularly their respect for those who do not match the rigid gender roles of their oppressors (effectively, trans people, though they call them teesara raasta). Among them, the teesara raasta are honored as more potent healers (which statistically is true, though not set in stone). Same-sex marriage is honored among them even when it is not by their oppressors.
The Bahut Sa live within other countries and therefore obey their economies.
The Bahut Sa do not have their own military, nor is combat a major part of their culture.
Their language is based on Hindi.
Bahut Sa trade their healing skills to others, though they never turn anyone away.
Aarogy Karanevaala, those who practice healing for a living
Shikshak, a guru of the Healing Waters
Bahut Sa are an oppressed nation throughout their former homelands. They are viewed as a means to an end by ruling classes, and as heretics or cannibals by others. This latter is a misinterpretation of the sharing of clay that is intentionally spread by those who seek to keep them oppressed. Those who get to know them or live closer to them tend to realize how untrue it is and how potent and helpful their healing powers are.
Tamanna Mohanty, Taala Manifest, Aeonian
Chumma Dava, First Healer, Consort of Aushadheey Paanee, Jack of Opals, Aeonian
Bahut Sa: 20 million
Bolana: 5,000
Mittee: 5,000
PRO 6
ATH 8
STR 9
AWA 8
WIL 8
PRS 7
STH 7
Clay 11
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